File Image: Mangala Samaraweera as a Foreign Minister met with the US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice in New York on Saturday, September 23rd on 2006. The Minister briefed his American counterpart on the current political and security situation in Sri Lanka and efforts made by the Government to reach a political settlement. 
“We celebrated our Independence on the 04th of February, at Galle Face under very heavy security while the continuing tragedy of our island nation unfolded further, with more deaths, caused by claymore mines, aerial bombings etc. in different parts of the country. Addressing the nation at this 60th anniversary of independence, HE the President, from his bullet proof podium, promised a prosperous society. He said his two-year rule is different to all past regimes as one that does not see difficulties as permanent or long lasting.” _______________________________
by Mangala Samaraweera
(February 09, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Celebrating independence is a ritual in any society that has been under colonial rule for a long time. The Americans do so on the 4th July, and the French do it on the 14th July, commemorating their freedom from the monarchy. In our own region, during the past months, India and Pakistan celebrated their “National Days”. We celebrated ours on the 04th of February, at Galle Face under very heavy security while the continuing tragedy of our island nation unfolded further, with more deaths, caused by claymore mines, aerial bombings etc. in different parts of the country. Addressing the nation at this 60th anniversary of independence, HE the President, from his bullet proof podium, promised a prosperous society. He said his two-year rule is different to all past regimes as one that does not see difficulties as permanent or long lasting. His, he said is a government that sees difficulties as short term and would translate them into long term prosperity. His foreign policy he said is not one that pampers foreign relations as a fad. He said his rule is different because his is a committed, realistic rule and would not experiment with solutions. His is also a regime that does not fear to call “terrorist” a terrorist and is the only regime that has taken over the challenge to put a “full stop” to terrorism in Sri Lanka. He thus promised he would liberate the Northern Tamil people and give them the right of place the Sinhala South enjoys.
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Who should take the blame, if taking the blame would provide an answer in getting out of this chaos? Undoubtedly the Mahinda Rajapakse regime has fast-forwarded our journey into being a failed state; however, it would be grossly unfair to put the whole burden of our present woes on the President – in fact all politicians who ruled this country must share part of the blame.
by Mangala Samaraweera
(February 09, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Celebrating independence is a ritual in any society that has been under colonial rule for a long time. The Americans do so on the 4th July, and the French do it on the 14th July, commemorating their freedom from the monarchy. In our own region, during the past months, India and Pakistan celebrated their “National Days”. We celebrated ours on the 04th of February, at Galle Face under very heavy security while the continuing tragedy of our island nation unfolded further, with more deaths, caused by claymore mines, aerial bombings etc. in different parts of the country. Addressing the nation at this 60th anniversary of independence, HE the President, from his bullet proof podium, promised a prosperous society. He said his two-year rule is different to all past regimes as one that does not see difficulties as permanent or long lasting. His, he said is a government that sees difficulties as short term and would translate them into long term prosperity. His foreign policy he said is not one that pampers foreign relations as a fad. He said his rule is different because his is a committed, realistic rule and would not experiment with solutions. His is also a regime that does not fear to call “terrorist” a terrorist and is the only regime that has taken over the challenge to put a “full stop” to terrorism in Sri Lanka. He thus promised he would liberate the Northern Tamil people and give them the right of place the Sinhala South enjoys.
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Who should take the blame, if taking the blame would provide an answer in getting out of this chaos? Undoubtedly the Mahinda Rajapakse regime has fast-forwarded our journey into being a failed state; however, it would be grossly unfair to put the whole burden of our present woes on the President – in fact all politicians who ruled this country must share part of the blame. ___________________________________
All these explanations from a Head of a State after 60 years of independence, I believe, was necessary because the past 60 years had not brought about any positive answers to our problems. Despite being tipped as a potential Switzerland of the East as we gained our independence from the British in 1948, the bitter truth is that Sri Lanka today is at the edge of a precipice, and the prospects of being a failed state is more real than ever. After 60 years we have yet to decide on the nature of our state, which could provide a stable springboard for our country to move forward while ensuring the rights of all its citizens in a multi-cultural society. We have not developed this country and the war against poverty, despite some achievements, has yet to be won and corruption is more rampant than ever. During all these 60 years we have not had permanent solutions to any of our problems. Instead, we had allowed a war to be extended and the society to be devided into Sinhala South and Tamil North. Obviously the Muslims are caught in between with tremendous difficulties and hardships. In just one sentence, we have not only failed to achieve anything positive after independence, we have also made it more difficult and complicated to achieve anything positive after 60 years of our own rule because we remain a country whose collective psyche is trapped in mythological past, unable to come to terms with the contours of a fast evolving future.
Who should take the blame, if taking the blame would provide an answer in getting out of this chaos? Undoubtedly the Mahinda Rajapakse regime has fast-forwarded our journey into being a failed state; however, it would be grossly unfair to put the whole burden of our present woes on the President – in fact all politicians who ruled this country must share part of the blame. The extremist elements that always stood in the way of reasonable solutions must also share the blame. Yet, it must be said that it is not only the politicians who should be blamed. The society as a whole and the academia, the intelligentsia and the professionals in particular should share the blame with all political leaders who traversed the political history of this country from day one after independence. I am responsible too for my part of the political follies during my political career that spans over two decades in the immediate past when I was an influential Minister in the governments after 1994. In the world of real politick, there are many a times I have put my political interests before the interest of my country- sometimes knowingly and at other times unknowingly. However ‘the blame game’ wouldn’t take us anywhere, unless we sit down to seriously to map out our own future after 60 years of sectarian petty politics.
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All these explanations from a Head of a State after 60 years of independence, I believe, was necessary because the past 60 years had not brought about any positive answers to our problems. Despite being tipped as a potential Switzerland of the East as we gained our independence from the British in 1948, the bitter truth is that Sri Lanka today is at the edge of a precipice, and the prospects of being a failed state is more real than ever. After 60 years we have yet to decide on the nature of our state, which could provide a stable springboard for our country to move forward while ensuring the rights of all its citizens in a multi-cultural society. We have not developed this country and the war against poverty, despite some achievements, has yet to be won and corruption is more rampant than ever. During all these 60 years we have not had permanent solutions to any of our problems. Instead, we had allowed a war to be extended and the society to be devided into Sinhala South and Tamil North. Obviously the Muslims are caught in between with tremendous difficulties and hardships. In just one sentence, we have not only failed to achieve anything positive after independence, we have also made it more difficult and complicated to achieve anything positive after 60 years of our own rule because we remain a country whose collective psyche is trapped in mythological past, unable to come to terms with the contours of a fast evolving future.
Who should take the blame, if taking the blame would provide an answer in getting out of this chaos? Undoubtedly the Mahinda Rajapakse regime has fast-forwarded our journey into being a failed state; however, it would be grossly unfair to put the whole burden of our present woes on the President – in fact all politicians who ruled this country must share part of the blame. The extremist elements that always stood in the way of reasonable solutions must also share the blame. Yet, it must be said that it is not only the politicians who should be blamed. The society as a whole and the academia, the intelligentsia and the professionals in particular should share the blame with all political leaders who traversed the political history of this country from day one after independence. I am responsible too for my part of the political follies during my political career that spans over two decades in the immediate past when I was an influential Minister in the governments after 1994. In the world of real politick, there are many a times I have put my political interests before the interest of my country- sometimes knowingly and at other times unknowingly. However ‘the blame game’ wouldn’t take us anywhere, unless we sit down to seriously to map out our own future after 60 years of sectarian petty politics.
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"The Indian Constitution adopted in 1948, declared Hindi as the official Language of the Union with English language allowed to continue for another 15 years. When the Dravidian politics in Tamil Nadu challenged the right of Hindi to be the official language and the DMK went on a separatist platform, Nehru agreed to make Hindi along with all other official languages of provincial governments, the official languages of the Indian Union." ___________________________________
I would draw up this balance sheet as a politician. Others including academics, professionals and the corporate world would have to take over this discourse with their expertise. And I wish to start by saying, Ceylon as we were known at independence, failed in promoting a culture of inclusive politics. We failed in developing a political culture that should have made Sinhalese, Tamils, Malays and Moors, the fairly conspicuous Burgher community there was, feel they had a legitimate stake in State power. Instead we moved on a political path that distanced all others from State power, giving the Sinhala majority the right to take decisions. Today we know how right Late Dr. Colvin R de Silva was, when he said in parliament that “One language means two countries and two languages would mean one country”. Let us accept that the Sinhala majority led by their own leaders made a fundamental error in making Sinhala only, the official language of the State. Of course, the late S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike was well aware of this and he tried to present the reasonable use of Tamil act as a small but significant step in the right direction to be followed by the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayagam act which unfortunately was axed to the pressure of extremists.
A lesson we should have learnt is how India averted the Tamil cessationist movement after independence. The Indian Constitution adopted in 1948, declared Hindi as the official Language of the Union with English language allowed to continue for another 15 years. When the Dravidian politics in Tamil Nadu challenged the right of Hindi to be the official language and the DMK went on a separatist platform, Nehru agreed to make Hindi along with all other official languages of provincial governments, the official languages of the Indian Union. India therefore now has 18 languages listed in the Eighth Schedule under Articles 344 (1) and 351 making it the largest inclusive State one could think of in this modern democratic world.
I would draw up this balance sheet as a politician. Others including academics, professionals and the corporate world would have to take over this discourse with their expertise. And I wish to start by saying, Ceylon as we were known at independence, failed in promoting a culture of inclusive politics. We failed in developing a political culture that should have made Sinhalese, Tamils, Malays and Moors, the fairly conspicuous Burgher community there was, feel they had a legitimate stake in State power. Instead we moved on a political path that distanced all others from State power, giving the Sinhala majority the right to take decisions. Today we know how right Late Dr. Colvin R de Silva was, when he said in parliament that “One language means two countries and two languages would mean one country”. Let us accept that the Sinhala majority led by their own leaders made a fundamental error in making Sinhala only, the official language of the State. Of course, the late S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike was well aware of this and he tried to present the reasonable use of Tamil act as a small but significant step in the right direction to be followed by the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayagam act which unfortunately was axed to the pressure of extremists.
A lesson we should have learnt is how India averted the Tamil cessationist movement after independence. The Indian Constitution adopted in 1948, declared Hindi as the official Language of the Union with English language allowed to continue for another 15 years. When the Dravidian politics in Tamil Nadu challenged the right of Hindi to be the official language and the DMK went on a separatist platform, Nehru agreed to make Hindi along with all other official languages of provincial governments, the official languages of the Indian Union. India therefore now has 18 languages listed in the Eighth Schedule under Articles 344 (1) and 351 making it the largest inclusive State one could think of in this modern democratic world.
Politically, we not only went on the opposite direction, we also avoided implementing all the negotiated solutions that would have satisfied Tamil political aspirations. It wasn’t Tamil politics that broke off the Bandaranayake – Chelvanayagam Pact in 1957 and it wasn’t Tamil politics that again led to the dumping of the Dudley – Chelvanayagam Pact. Nor was it Tamil politics, which sabotaged President Chandrika Kumaratunge’s valiant attempts at forging a solution to the ethnic question in 1997 and 2000. It certainly was not Tamil politics which brought down the government in 2004 when PM Ranil Wickramesinghe was trying to negotiate with the LTTE. Let me also remind all who talk of “separatism” that in 1981, the TULF agreed for District Development Councils (DDC) within a “Unitary State” despite the Tamil people voting overwhelmingly for a “Separate Tamil State” at the 1977 general elections. It wasn’t Tamil political leaders who shoved it after running amok in Jaffna, burning down the most prestigious library as well. We are now paying for all those sins with a war that has taken over tens of thousands of lives, made thousands disabled and maimed, thousands widowed and very easily over a million children either fatherless or parentless All attempts at crushing this political force that the South prefers to label as “terrorism” only proves, we are still not willing to accept that we blundered in our past, in promoting a culture of inclusive politics. I therefore say, let us accept that we blundered on this issue all along our 60 year history. Let us at least now accept that an inclusive political approach could bring about a conflict free, stable society that all communities could be equals in a State that allows for a power sharing partnership within a united Sri Lanka.
Political stability at stake, we have also forfeited socio – economic development. In the first decade after independence, we were one of the strongest welfare States in the Commonwealth. Our free education helped us nurture a Western European level in literacy and the free health system helped achieve an equally healthy society with mortality and rate of birth as low as in the developed world. Epidemics were extremely rare and the preventive health system very effective. The challenge we face today is how we could strengthen the social safety net for the poor while meeting the demands of the global economy, harnessing its benefits for the betterment of the country.
Bribery and corruption is the bane of many developing nations like Sri Lanka, especially since the inflow of large amounts of foreign aid since the opening of the economy in 1977. The PA government to its credit, established the Bribery and corruption commission as its first Parliamentary act since taking office in 1994. Yet it remains ineffective and today bribery and corruption has reached epidemic proportions. Transparent and effective mechanisms must be put in place immediately if our country is to have the future our people richly deserve.
The proportional representational electoral system has been a recipe for weak governments since its implementation in 1989. All governments in order to survive must put the self-serving interests of individual members of Parliament before the interests of the country cynically disregarding the peoples mandate, which brought them into power. As a result we have now the luxury of having the world’s largest number of ministers with many of them from the opposition benches who have crossed over for power and position and nothing else. The era of principled politicians must be re-established with relevant constitutional reforms as a matter of urgency.
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"Let us be conscious of our history without being prisoners of the past. Let us focus on the future and collectively forge a new Sri Lankan identity. Let us not quarrel over the past and let bygones be bygones and let us, collectively and individually, forgive each other for the mistakes of the past." _____________________________________
Last but not least, the ‘fountain of supreme power’, or the source of many of our problems, the all-powerful executive Presidency must be reviewed, rationalized and the powers curtailed. Today, with powers akin to the 18th century monarchs of Versailles, the Presidency with impunity can lead extravagant lifestyles and waste public money, with utter disregard for the financial regulations of the country. The Presidential must be curbed and made more answerable to the people, if we are to retain this institution at all.
Last but not least, the ‘fountain of supreme power’, or the source of many of our problems, the all-powerful executive Presidency must be reviewed, rationalized and the powers curtailed. Today, with powers akin to the 18th century monarchs of Versailles, the Presidency with impunity can lead extravagant lifestyles and waste public money, with utter disregard for the financial regulations of the country. The Presidential must be curbed and made more answerable to the people, if we are to retain this institution at all.
All of them have led to other severe distortions like politicization of the State and society and erosion of democratic life. The whole society including political parties need to democratize themselves to democratize the State. In short, we have to accept that all what we have been doing and still continue to do, will not provide the paradigm shift that is necessary to leave this 60 year mess behind and start anew. We have had 60 years under our own rule that we call independence, but we have not freed ourselves from poverty and political conflict. After 60 years, we have yet to free ourselves from ignorance, superstition and narrow mindedness.
Let us be conscious of our history without being prisoners of the past. Let us focus on the future and collectively forge a new Sri Lankan identity. Let us not quarrel over the past and let bygones be bygones and let us, collectively and individually, forgive each other for the mistakes of the past. Let us go beyond the boundaries of parochial politics to create a better tomorrow for our children and theirs.
Let us join hand to form a new Freedom Movement Now.
(Mangala Samawareera is a well-known Sri Lankan politician and current member of parliament who served as the Minister of Foreign Affairs from 2005 to 2007. He created a stir in Sri Lankan politics when he was sacked as a minister by President Mahinda Rajapakse in 2007, after which he formed a new political party called the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (Mahajana) Wing.)
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