Four phases of Tamil racism and two faces of UNP

"During the second phase of Tamil racism the generation of Prabhakaran emerged. They were brought up on the mythical Tamil history and the concept of a Tamil nation and were told that Tamils had had a separate kingdom in this country for more than two thousand years until it went under the Portuguese, then the Dutch and finally the British. They were told that however, when the British went back (did they?) the Tamil kingdom was handed over to the Sinhalas and that it was the duty and the right of the Tamils to liberate their kingdom from the Sinhala imperialists."
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by Prof. Nalin de Silva

(The views expressed are his own)

(February 01, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Tamil racism in Sri Lanka has entered the fourth phase with the formation of the so called Tamil National Alliance (TNA). As we said last week in these columns the Tamil Hindu Vellala leadership of Tamil racism is no more and now we have the phenomenon of Tamil Christian (Catholic) Karaivar leadership of LTTE, the sole representative of the Tamils as declared by the TNA. The TNA has only one policy in effect. Do what the LTTE tells them.

The first phase of Tamil racism baptised by the British, commenced in 1833 with the appointment of one representative each to represent the Sinhalas, Tamils and Burghers. With that the British equated more than two thousand three hundred years of Sinhala history with a continuous history of Tamils in Sri Lanka that did not extend for more than two hundred years. They also equated more than seventy five percent of the population of Sinhala people with less than ten percent of Tamils.

They had no regard for the unique culture that the Sinhalas had created in this country over a period of more than two thousand three hundred years and as far as they were concerned, that culture did not have a weightage more than that was given to Tamil culture that was nothing but a continuation of Tamil culture in the Malabar coast from where the Dutch imported Tamils for their tobacco cultivation. The first phase of Tamil racism in Sri Lanka lasted till about 1947. The Tamil leadership was Tamil Hindu Vellala and they tried to manipulate at that centre (Legislative Assembly until 1931 and then the State Council) and have political power over the entire country. The Tamil racist leadership wanted more representation for them than for the Sinhalas at the centre and in this they were assisted by the British.

Three infamous incidents out of many during this period were the demanding of a Tamil representative for the western province by Mr. Ponnambalam Arunachalam and the others in 1917, the opposition to universal franchise by Mr. Ponnambalam Ramanathan and the others around 1929, and the demanding of fifty fifty representation by Mr. GG Ponnambalam in the forties. Universal franchise was opposed by Tamil racist leadership as it would have given more representation to the Sinhala people in the state council. During this period the Tamil racists coined the concept of a Tamil nation with a history of more than three thousand years in Sri Lanka. In this exercise as well, they were assisted by the British and were influenced by the mythical history as given in Yalpanam Vaipava Malai written by a Tamil poet who had been "commissioned" by the Dutch. While the Tamil Hindu Vellala leadership in Colombo was fighting against the Sinhalas to deprive Sinhalathva its rightful place in the country, in Jaffna the Vellalas maintained the repressive regime against the less privileged casts.

Mr. SJV Chelvanayakam whose racist politics have been described by his son-in-law Dr. AJ Wilson was the first to realise that with universal franchise the Tamil racists would not be able to control the centre. With the election of the first parliament it became clear to some other Tamil racists as well that the natural Sinhala majority in the parliament could not be turned into a minority by any artificial means such as demarcating new electorates or having multiple member constituencies. Mr. Chelvanayakam was the leader of theof the second phase of Tamil racism that commenced in and around 1947. During this period the leadership was in the hands of Tamil Vellala Christian (Catholic) and the ideology had changed from Hindu Vellala supremacy to western Christian (cultural) hatred against Buddhism and was camouflaged in western liberal terminology.

Though the Tamil leadership in the first phase talked about a Tamil nation they could not do much to "create" a nation or even to convince the Tamils that they should think as a nation. The Vellala supremacy was an obstacle to this which was probably realised by Mr. Chelvanayakam. He lamented that while the Sinhalas were a nation the Tamils were not. Ironically his Christian "liberalism" helped him to propagate the idea of a nation among the Tamils across the caste and other barriers not only in the Jaffna peninsula but in the other parts of the island as well. However this awakened the other castes, especially the Karaivars to such an extent that within four decades the Vellala leadership itself was replaced by a Karaivar leadership.

In the second phase of Tamil racism Mr. Chelvanayakam having realised that it was no longer possible to control the centre, shifted his politics to the northern and eastern provinces demarcated by the British in the present form as late as 1889. He wanted to establish a separate state and formed his own political party Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (Lanka Tamil State Party-the so called Federal Party) to achieve this objective. However, in the beginning he was very careful not to talk of a separate state and concentrated on a federal state. He followed the policy of "little now more later" as described by Dr. AJ Wilson. The party was called in English the Federal Party to mislead first the English educated Sinhalas and then the other Sinhalas. (Since the lingua franca changed from Sinhala to Portuguese and then to English among the "upper" crust of the Sinhala society in this country this has been the pattern! It is heartening to note that the lingua franca is gradually shifting back to Sinhala among the youth in these sections of the society. )

During the second phase of Tamil racism the generation of Prabhakaran emerged. They were brought up on the mythical Tamil history and the concept of a Tamil nation and were told that Tamils had had a separate kingdom in this country for more than two thousand years until it went under the Portuguese, then the Dutch and finally the British. They were told that however, when the British went back (did they?) the Tamil kingdom was handed over to the Sinhalas and that it was the duty and the right of the Tamils to liberate their kingdom from the Sinhala imperialists. The generation of Prabhakaran took these myths very seriously and they took up arms to win back their "kingdom" from the Sinhalas. Thus began the third phase of Tamil racism, with Prabhakaran and his cousins in the early seventies. While some of his cousins continued to be members of the TULF the others formed their own parties to establish the mythical Eelam. This was a mixed period when several groups claimed leadership and had different agenda. However, they were all after Eelam, except for a few in the TULF. Even they were not against an Eelam in theory having accepted the self determination of the Tamils.

While some wanted Eelam in stages, through a federation and a confederation Prabhakaran and others wanted Eelam and nothing but Eelam. Self determination coined during the cessation of Norway from Sweden in 1905, became a theoretical concept of Tamil racism during this period, helped by western liberalism and Marxism.

Also during the same period the concept of a so called Tamil homeland was created. The so called Thimpu conditions summarised the conceptual apparatus that Tamil racism had acquired from the beginning of the twentieth century to the Vadukkodai (Vadugoda) resolution of 1976. All the Tamil racist parties agreed that Tamils were a separate nation, the Tamils had the right of self determination and that the northern and the eastern provinces demarcated by the British, were the Tamil homeland.

During this period the NGO’s were working overtime browsing through the western political science and sociology books and "research papers" to pick up concepts and theories to deprive Sinhalathva its rightful place and promote Tamil racism (These imitators are not creative at all and if not for the western theories and concepts they would not be able to earn a living.) .

Human rights, fundamental rights, secular state and what not were quoted in defense of Tamil racism. However, they did not realise that there is not a single secular state in the world today. No state is formed in a cultural vacuum, something that western political science does not talk about, and cultures are associated with religions. All the western states are Christian (Catholic) states. Two Swedish postgraduate students in Political Science who came to meet me recently were surprised to realise that Sweden is a Christian country with a Christian state. The myth that they have been told by their lecturers at home was that Sweden is secular. The western political scientists tell us that the state should be separated from the religion forgetting that state, religion and culture , not to mention knowledge are all bound together. They also tell us that people are equal, forgetting that it does not imply that cultures are equal within the context of a country. Buddhist, Hindu and Islam cultures (civilisations) do not enjoy the same status as the Christian culture (civilisation) in the west. However, the westerners and their imitators ("golayas", golaya is not the same as student or pupil. I do not know of an English word that conveys some of the connotations in golaya) want us to treat all cultures as equal in non western countries.

During the third phase of Tamil racism Prabhakaran and the non Vellala (mainly Karaivar) gradually got the upper hand. Prabhakaran killed some of the Hindu Vellala leadership and the others were threatened with death. He also insisted at the Thimpu talks that the LTTE should be recognised as the sole representative of the Tamils. In 1985, most of the other Tamil racist parties could not agree with this demand. However, this has come to an end now. With the TNA accepting that the LTTE is the sole representatives of the Tamils, the Tamils have lost their soul. The fourth phase of Tamil racism has begun. Now Tamil racism has only the Tamil Christian (Catholic) Karaivar leadership of the LTTE, that is supported by the majority of Bishops, mainly Tamil and many Christian (Catholic) elite in the peace campaign for pieces. It is interesting to note that the peace campaign has more than its share of Christians (Catholics).

The non national forces that wanted to get a federal state through the PA government is now back with the UNP, the direct agent of the non national forces. However the UNP has two faces. In spite of UNP being the agent of the non national forces it had a somewhat national face under the Senanayakes who did not give up their western suits and top hats for the "jathika anduma". Strangely enough it was

JR Jayawardhane though chose to wear the national costume who had an out and out non national face. As Mr. DB Dhanapala had remarked Mr. DS Senanayake was a Sinhalaya in a western suit and a top hat. Unlike Mr. Jayawardhane who was culturally an Anglican, Senanayakes were culturally Buddhists. Mr. DS Senanayake was instrumental for the Minneriya and Galoya schemes if not for which Tamil racists would have claimed many other parts in the island including present north central province as their homeland. Senanayakes though accommodated Tamils as ministers in their cabinets did not enter into agreements or pacts with the Tamil racists. It was Mr. JR Jayawardhane who first entered into an agreement in 1977 with the Tamil racists parties before an election. Senanayakes did not enter into any pre election pacts or agreements but they were prepared to accommodate Tamils in their cabinets. With Mr. Jayawardhane it was different. He promised certain things before the elections to the Tamil racist parties in order to get their support in the parliament after the elections.

Mr. Ranil Wickremasinghe is not only the "avessa bena" of Mr. Jayawardhane but the political nephew as well. The face of the UNP under him is not different from that under Mr. Jayawardhane. Just as much Mr. Jayawardhane entered into a pact with the TULF, Mr. Wickremasinghe has entered into some kind of understanding with the TNA. The London based Tamil Guardian, journal of the LTTE, in an editorial has said that the LTTE supports the UNP. The LTTE has announced that the TNA backed by them would help the UNP. The LTTE’s organ, The Tamil Guardian has said that favourable conditions proposed by the UNP compelled the TNA to throw its weight behind the UNP. In the leader editorial published in the November 21 issue of the Tamil Guardian, the LTTE has said, in no uncertain terms, that it preferred Ranil Wickremasinghe led UNP to President Kumaratunga led PA capture power at the general elections on 5th December.

The London based organ of the LTTE has also accused the Prime Minister Mr. Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, for demonstrating the strength of opposition of the PA to ,what it said, the Tamils rights , by calling on the Sri Lankan armed forces to defeat the "conspiracy" of an interim administration for the Tamil North- East. The Tamil Guardian has described it as, "an idea mooted by the main opposition United National Party (UNP) for de-escalating the conflict and paving the way for a negotiated settlement." The editorial has also praised the UNP for recognizing the Tamil Tigers cannot- for now at least- be defeated militarily and that protracted war will reduce this possibility further. The LTTE journal, Tamil Guardian has said that whilst the Tamil community understood that neither Sinhala party was going to meet their aspirations, "the UNP will -at least in the short term - attempt to discuss these and more importantly, explore ways to cease hostilities........The much needed respite this could bring the people of the North and East compels the alliance of Tamil parties to throw its growing weight behind the UNP," .

Senanayakes and Jayawardhanes differ not only in entering into pacts, agreements or understandings with the Tamil racist parties. Their attitudes in implementing policies are also different. Mr. Dudley Senanayake resigned when it was learnt that nine people were killed as a result of armed forces opening fire at the people during the Hartal in 1953. In contrast Mr. Jayawardhane imposed curfew and got the army on the streets and did not resign when people died protesting against the Indo Lanka agreement and the 13th amendment to the constitution in 1987.

In the fourth face phase of Tamil racism the UNP of Jayawardhane face has entered into some kind of understanding with the TNA backed by the LTTE. We do not know what exactly has been promised to TNA, meaning the LTTE in this fourth phase of Tamil racism. But we know exactly how the second face of the UNP would get them implemented and how they would crush any movement opposing the relevant bills before the parliament.


(Professor Nalin de Silva is a Sri Lankan theoretical physicist, philosopher and a political analyst. He is a Professor in the Department of Mathematics at the University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka.)